By Terje Mathiassen
Booklet via TERJE MATHIASSEN
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This booklet explores the interface among syntax and the opposite parts of the grammar, specifically phonology, morphology, and argument constitution. the writer proceeds via a attention of case reviews, equivalent to clitics and intricate predicates (auxiliary and modal verbs) in Romance, grounding theoretical research in consistent exemplification.
This can be the 1st textual content publication to provide a entire method of outdated Frisian. half One starts with a succinct survey of the heritage of the Frisians in the course of the center a while, their society and literary tradition. subsequent stick to chapters at the phonology, morphology, notice formation and syntax of outdated Frisian. This half is concluded via a bankruptcy at the outdated Frisian dialects and one on difficulties concerning the periodization of Frisian and the shut courting among (Old) Frisian and (Old) English.
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Here, the coding properties of there are (agreement) point to a subject status of the only argument apples. Other properties however, in particular behavioral properties of this constituent, seem to deny apples a subject status: (19) a. b. c. There are apples in the garden. → I expect there to be apples in the garden. → *I expect apples to be there in the garden. (20) a. b. → He comes. I expect him to come. In the control construction, there in (19b) occupies the same syntactic slot as the subject constituent of a standard sentence (20b), while this position is excluded for apples (19c).
In fact, verse predominates in the thirteenth century subcorpus, while the great majority of fourteenth century texts in BFM1 happen to be in prose. If c’est-clefts in Old and Middle French occurred preferably in versified texts, the local deviation from the overall trend towards more clefting might reflect the different proportions of the two literary forms rather than linguistic evolution. The figures in Table 4, however, fail to confirm this hypothesis. 6 Table 4: C’est-clefts in Old and Middle French according to literary form Another factor that should be taken into account is literary genre.
Also example (1a) above). With respect to the choices available for QU, it has sometimes been assumed (cf. Krötsch & Sabban 1990:94, Léard 1992:30) that Contemporary French c’est-clefts only permit two relative pronouns qui “who, what” and que “that”, whereas all other relativizers (dont “of whom, of what”, où “where” and the inflected lequel “which”) cannot be employed in this particular syntactic context. Of course, such a restriction (and the consequent generalization of invariable que to all cleft types except subject clefts) would constitute a further piece of evidence for an overarching trend towards structural invariance of c’est-clefts in French.